Why it Matters

OBSIDIA Semiconductors Inc., a defense-focused semiconductor startup, ended its lobbying relationship with Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman LLP as of May 1, 2026, according to a Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) filing signed Monday, June 8. OBSIDIA is a private early-stage company focused on counterfeit chip detection for defense and aerospace supply chains. Its core product, ReelScan, uses scanning technology and machine learning to flag counterfeit, tampered, or substandard semiconductors before they enter defense systems, with cited use cases ranging from fighter jet ejection seats to nuclear reactor safety controls.

By the Numbers

The OBSIDIA Semiconductors LDA termination, logged as a Q2 2026 filing, covered $10,000 in lobbying activity.

At $10,000, this was a modest lobbying investment, suggesting OBSIDIA was in the early stages of building a Washington presence rather than running a full-scale advocacy operation. The semiconductor company lobbying disclosure does not indicate OBSIDIA has retained a replacement firm, based on available records.

For Pillsbury Winthrop, the OBSIDIA Semiconductors lobbying filing represented a small slice of the firm's broader client portfolio. The firm is a large, full-service law and lobbying operation with a wide range of corporate and government affairs clients, and the loss of a $10,000 engagement carries limited financial consequence for the firm.

Broader Context

The issues at the center of OBSIDIA's lobbying work sit squarely in one of Congress's more active technology policy lanes. Concerns about counterfeit and compromised semiconductors in U.S. defense systems have grown alongside broader anxiety about supply chain vulnerabilities and foreign adversary access to critical hardware.

The Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) and Science Act, enacted in 2022, directed significant federal investment toward domestic semiconductor manufacturing and research, and its implementation has continued to generate congressional oversight activity. Defense supply chain integrity, including the risk posed by counterfeit chips in weapons systems and critical infrastructure, has been a recurring subject in Armed Services Committee deliberations in both chambers.

The lobbyist on OBSIDIA's account at Pillsbury Winthrop was John Thomas, whose prior congressional experience includes stints with Rep. Walter B. Jones (R-NC-3), Rep. Scott Taylor (R-VA-2), and Rep. E. Scott Rigell (R-VA-2), all members with defense and military-adjacent district interests. That background is consistent with a lobbying strategy aimed at Armed Services or Homeland Security committee members, or members with significant defense contractor constituencies.

The terminated lobbying client relationship became effective May 1, 2026, a period when Congress has been actively working through defense authorization and appropriations. The annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) process is a primary vehicle through which defense technology startups seek to shape procurement rules, supply chain requirements, and research funding. Companies at OBSIDIA's stage frequently use lobbying relationships to position themselves ahead of NDAA markups or to seek inclusion in relevant committee report language.

The Bottom Line

The terminated lobbying client disclosure does not show a replacement firm retained by OBSIDIA as of the filing date. If OBSIDIA does move to a new firm, the relevant question will be whether that firm brings relationships with members or staff on the House or Senate Armed Services Committees, the Commerce committees with jurisdiction over semiconductor policy, or appropriators on the defense subcommittees.

OBSIDIA was founded by Erik Hosler, a PhD from UC Berkeley with prior experience at GLOBALFOUNDRIES and PsiQuantum. The company's pitch is aimed at the Department of Defense, DHS, and defense prime contractors as its primary customer base. Federal contracts and SBIR/STTR awards are likely central to its near-term revenue picture, which makes its posture in Washington more consequential than the modest lobbying expenditure might suggest.

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