Why It Matters

The United States lost or damaged 42 aircraft during Operation Epic Fury, a military campaign launched February 28, 2026, in coordination with Israel against Iran, and Congress still doesn't have a full accounting from the Pentagon. A new Congressional Research Service report is raising the alarm.

The central tension: the Department of Defense has not published a comprehensive assessment of Operation Epic Fury aircraft losses, even as the price tag for the conflict has climbed to $29 billion, according to testimony from Acting Pentagon Comptroller Jules W. Hurst III at a May 12 hearing. "A lot of that increase comes from having a refined estimate on repair or replacement costs for equipment," Hurst said.

The Big Picture

The CRS report, updated May 13, catalogs 42 fixed-wing aircraft, rotary-wing aircraft, and drones reported lost or damaged since operations began. The losses span some of the most consequential platforms in the U.S. inventory.

The single largest category of losses: 24 MQ-9 Reaper drones, reported lost since the start of operations. Among manned aircraft, four F-15E Strike Eagles were destroyed. Three were shot down by friendly fire over Kuwait on March 2, with all six aircrew safely recovered. A fourth was shot down during combat operations over Iran on April 5, with both crew members recovered in separate search-and-rescue missions.

Those rescue missions carried their own costs. Two MC-130J Commando II special operations aircraft supporting the search-and-rescue effort for the downed F-15E were intentionally destroyed on the ground in Iran after becoming unable to depart, though all aircrew were safely evacuated. A HH-60W Jolly Green II helicopter supporting the same effort sustained damage from small-arms fire.

Seven KC-135 Stratotanker aerial refueling aircraft were also lost or damaged. One crashed in Iraq on March 12 after a mid-air incident over friendly airspace, killing all six crew members aboard. Five more were damaged on the ground at Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia during an Iranian missile and drone attack on March 14.

That same Saudi base was also the site of damage to one E-3 Sentry airborne early warning-and-control aircraft, struck during an Iranian attack on March 28. A May 7 news report indicated the aircraft had been parked on an unprotected taxiway.

One F-35A Lightning II was damaged by Iranian ground fire during combat operations over Iran, according to a March 19 news report. An A-10 Thunderbolt II was struck by enemy fire on April 3 and subsequently crashed and was destroyed during search-and-rescue operations, with the pilot safely recovered.

A ceasefire took hold in April, though some strikes resumed within weeks. The CRS notes that conditions remain fluid and that the total number of aircraft damaged or destroyed may be subject to revision due to classification, ongoing combat activity, and attribution questions.

Political Stakes

For the Administration

The report surfaces a direct transparency problem. DOD, which is operating under a "secondary Department of War designation" established by Executive Order 14347 dated September 5, 2025, has not given Congress a full accounting of what was lost and at what cost. That gap puts the administration in a difficult position as it will almost certainly need to return to Capitol Hill for supplemental appropriations to cover aircraft replacement and repair.

The vulnerabilities exposed during the conflict add another layer of political exposure. Multiple aircraft were destroyed or damaged on the ground at Prince Sultan Air Base, including the E-3 Sentry that was reportedly sitting on an unprotected taxiway. Those are the kinds of details that generate pointed questions at oversight hearings.

For Congress

The CRS lays out five distinct areas where lawmakers will need to act or press for answers, and the stakes are high across all of them.

On information access, the report notes it is unclear whether DOD has provided Congress a full accounting of aircraft losses. That matters because Congress cannot evaluate the downstream consequences of attrition, or make informed decisions about replacement procurement, without knowing what was lost and why.

On the budget, aircraft losses generate unplanned costs. Congress will face decisions about whether to approve, reject, or modify reprogramming actions or supplemental appropriations, and whether to adjust planned procurement and readiness accounts. With the conflict's cost estimate already at $29 billion and climbing, those decisions will not be small.

Force Readiness and the Industrial Base

The CRS flags a concern that goes beyond the current conflict. Some of the platforms lost are aging and limited in number. The E-3 Sentry, for instance, is an aircraft the Air Force has been working to retire and replace for years. Losing one to an attack on an unprotected taxiway, in the middle of a high-tempo operation, raises questions about whether capability gaps are opening up in theaters beyond the Middle East.

The industrial base question is equally pressing. The report notes that Congress may need to assess whether current production lines and supply chains can replace lost aircraft within the time frames that operational requirements demand, and whether competing demands such as foreign military sales are further constraining that capacity.

The loss of 24 MQ-9 Reapers in a single conflict also puts a spotlight on drone attrition rates in contested environments, a data point that carries implications well beyond this operation.

The Bottom Line

The U.S. military absorbed significant aircraft losses during Operation Epic Fury, and Congress is being asked to help pay for the consequences without a full picture of what happened. The CRS report makes clear that the Pentagon's failure to publish a comprehensive loss assessment is not just a transparency problem. It is a practical obstacle to the oversight and funding decisions that lawmakers will need to make in the weeks ahead.

The $29 billion cost estimate will almost certainly require a supplemental appropriations request, putting Congress in the position of evaluating a bill it had no role in running up. How that negotiation unfolds, and what conditions Congress attaches, will be one of the defining defense policy questions of the coming months.

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