Why It Matters
The House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence held a 9/11 Commission hearing on May 20 that served as a public reckoning with a central question: after 25 years of post-attack reforms, is the U.S. intelligence community stronger or more vulnerable? The answer from witnesses was unambiguous and unsettling. The security architecture is, in the words of one witness, "fraying, being dismantled, or falling into disrepair."
The Trump administration released its own 2026 Counterterrorism Strategy just weeks before the hearing, expanding the definition of terrorism to include cartels and domestic groups. That policy shift sat as an unspoken backdrop to testimony warning that the very infrastructure built to prevent another 9/11 is eroding.
The Big Picture
Wednesday's hearing was the first public event in a structured, bipartisan congressional review launched on the 24th anniversary of the attacks. Rep. Elise M. Stefanik (R-NY-21) and Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ-5) co-chair the working group, which has held four prior classified briefings. A formal report with actionable legislative recommendations is due September 11, 2026.
The 9/11 Commission's 41 recommendations produced the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004, which created the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the National Counterterrorism Center. Some recommendations were adopted fully, some in part, and others not at all. That incomplete implementation record is what the committee is now auditing.
What They're Saying
- Bruce Hoffman, Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations: "The superstructure of the security architecture is fraying, being dismantled, or falling into disrepair."
- Jamil Jaffer, Professor: "We are, without a doubt, at the highest state of threat our nation has ever faced."
- John Pistole, President Emeritus, Anderson University: "The 9/11 Commission recommendations were thorough, accurate, and timely."
The three witnesses brought distinct but complementary expertise. Pistole spent 27 years at the FBI, served as Deputy Director during the post-9/11 reform period, and later ran the TSA. Hoffman has testified before this committee for two weeks after the attacks and co-led the FBI's post-9/11 review commission. Jaffer is a national security law professor and former White House official with prior service on the committee itself.
The most pointed exchange came during Rep. James A. Himes (D-CT-4)'s questioning. Pressing Hoffman on concrete tools to reduce terrorist recruitment, Himes asked directly: "So I hear you say that here, approaching the 25th anniversary of 9/11, that the dismantlement of USAID and the dismantlement of Radio Free...was perhaps not helpful to stemming the growth of terrorism." Hoffman replied plainly: "In my opinion, yes." The exchange was a pointed, if indirect, critique of current administration policy.
The Hearing Exchanges
The sharpest policy dispute of the day centered on Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). Rep. Darin LaHood (R-IL-16) walked through a detailed hypothetical drawn directly from pre-9/11 intelligence failures: if a known terrorist abroad was discussing flight training in Florida, a warrant requirement would have prevented analysts from querying that connection in a government database. "The American people will hold all of us accountable," Jaffer said, "If there's information in a 702 database and we can't look at it because we voluntarily put a warrant requirement in place that the Constitution and law today does not require."
Rep. Trent Kelly (R-MS-1) stated flatly: "We would have had another 9/11 had it not been for 702. We would have." Jaffer called Section 702 "literally the most important intelligence collection authority, bar none," adding that 60 percent of the President's Daily Brief is drawn from it. He urged Congress to make the authority permanent, calling the recurring reauthorization cycle "simply political brinkmanship."
On the ODNI, all three witnesses agreed that the office has outgrown its original mandate. Jaffer described it as a "very large bureaucratic institution" that should be a "tiger team, smaller, tighter, more focused on integration." Hoffman said it was "hard to discern what the value added nowadays is." Himes noted afterward that "there is an emerging consensus that this is an institution that is both critical and in need of reform and right-sizing."
Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL-8) introduced the hearing's most direct confrontation with current administration policy, citing data reportedly acquired by Sen. Warner of the Senate Intelligence Committee showing that nearly 45 percent of FBI agents in major field offices had been reassigned from counterterrorism, counterintelligence, and other work to support immigration enforcement. Pistole, who helped build the post-9/11 FBI counterterrorism apparatus, called it "a surprise" and said it "makes us less safe as a country."
Political Stakes
The hearing carries significant weight for the administration. Jaffer, whose policy positions broadly align with the administration's national security posture, nonetheless warned that a counterintelligence operation that worked effectively during the first Trump term "got wound down in the Biden administration" and "hasn't really been effectively re-established in the current Trump administration." His explanation: "I think in part because we're trying to do deals with China. That's a mistake."
Hoffman raised a separate concern about FBI training. The 9/11 Commission had recommended expanding new agent training from 16 weeks to 21 weeks. Hoffman testified that recent reports indicate training has returned to the original 16-week timeframe, raising questions about whether intelligence skills training was reduced or eliminated.
Rep. Brian K. Fitzpatrick (R-PA-1) flagged a 9/11 Commission recommendation that was passed into law but never implemented: the Saracini Aviation Safety Act, requiring secondary cockpit barriers. "One has not been implemented at all," he said. "The second is under constant scrutiny and debate."
The Other Side
Pistole offered the most optimistic read of the past 25 years, calling the Commission's recommendations "thorough, accurate, and timely" and noting that the U.S. has not suffered a comparable mass-casualty domestic attack since 9/11. On interagency coordination, he said simply: "Absolutely." The reforms worked. The question, Jaffer acknowledged, is whether they are still working: "Are we good enough? Absolutely not."
Hoffman also noted that the NCTC, legally barred from countering domestic terrorism despite the domestic threat now equaling the foreign one, represents "a dangerous anachronism" that Congress has not addressed.
What's Next
The committee's bipartisan working group will continue classified briefings through the summer. The formal report of findings and legislative recommendations is scheduled for release on September 11, 2026, less than two months before the midterm elections. The timing virtually guarantees the report will land in the middle of a politically charged national security debate.
The Bottom Line
Twenty-five years of post-9/11 reforms built something real, but the hearing surfaced a bipartisan consensus that it is now at risk of being dismantled faster than it can be updated.
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