The $159 Million Super PAC With No Donors on File

No Going Back has become one of the cycle’s biggest outside spenders, mostly by attacking Democrats. Its money reportedly traces back to Trump’s main super PAC. ​

On its website, No Going Back PAC Inc. says it backs candidates who share “the values of its founders and funders.” It doesn’t say what those values are or who those funders are.

Its spending is easier to see. As of Oct. 14, the super PAC had reported $159,556,964.99 in outside spending in the 2026 cycle. That puts it among the most aggressive outside players in the fight for Congress. Its Federal Election Commission file still shows no donor or receipt records this cycle, and no reported cash on hand.

Reporting has filled in some of that gap. The New York Times reported in September, citing two people with knowledge of the arrangement, that the group is financially backed by MAGA Inc., the main super PAC aligned with President Trump. Reuters went further and described No Going Back as fully funded by MAGA Inc.

A Group Built to Attack

The spending shows a clear strategy: the PAC spends far more tearing down Democrats than building up Republicans.

Its biggest target is Sherrod Brown, the former senator trying to win back a Senate seat in Ohio. The group has spent more than $20 million against him. Michigan Democrat Abdul El-Sayed is close behind, with $19.37 million spent against him. Next come former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper at $8.82 million, Rep. Chris Pappas at $7.55 million and Rep. Jared Moskowitz at $7.36 million.

Its spending in support of candidates is much smaller. Jon Husted, the Ohio Republican facing Brown, leads that list at $7.62 million. Sen. Dan Sullivan of Alaska follows with $3.55 million, then Michigan Republican Michael J. Rogers with $2.94 million. Those three candidates together received about $14.1 million, less than the group spent against El-Sayed alone.

Where the Money Lands

Most of the money has gone to television.

In September, the PAC paid Del Ray Media LLC $4.93 million on Sept. 10 for TV and connected-TV ads against Brown. It paid the firm another $4.93 million for the same purpose five days later. That is nearly $10 million against one candidate in under a week. On Sept. 28, Del Ray received $3.99 million for ads against El-Sayed. Del Ray has handled the largest buys in both the Ohio and Michigan Senate races.

A second firm, MHB Media Inc., runs the House side of the operation. The same day as the El-Sayed buy, MHB received $2.38 million for ads against Moskowitz. On Oct. 5 it received $2.01 million for ads against Pappas. MHB has also placed ads against Rep. Thomas Suozzi, Rep. Kathy Castor and Pia Dandiya.

Federal Communications Commission filings show the scale of the group’s presence on local stations:

  • WABC-TV, New York: $984,000 for Sept. 30 to Oct. 6, plus $800,000 for Sept. 16 to 24.
  • WJBK, Detroit: $846,000 for Sept. 10 to 15.
  • KTUU-TV, Anchorage: $808,000, $861,000 and $845,000 across three flights running from late September through Election Day, which accounts for most of the group’s Alaska broadcast spending.

The group is still expanding. On Oct. 14 alone, it filed six new FCC buys in markets where it had not been on the air:

  • $180,000 on WKYT-TV in Lexington, Ky.
  • $255,000 across three flights on KTLM in the Harlingen-McAllen, Texas, market.
  • $61,000 on KXFX-CD in the same Texas market.
  • $13,000 on WMOR-TV in Tampa, Fla.

The Message

The content of the ads has drawn scrutiny. FactCheck.org reported on Oct. 12 that two of the PAC’s ads in congressional races claimed Democrats support “sex changes for kids.” Two days earlier, the Times reported that a PAC-funded ad attacking Pappas was misleading.

The Bottom Line

With three weeks until Election Day, No Going Back has spent more than $159 million, mostly on attack ads. Its own filings name no funders, its stated mission doesn’t say what it stands for, and the backing reported by the Times and Reuters leads to the president’s political operation. Readers can’t learn who funds it from the public record. They can see where it is spending: Ohio, Michigan, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Florida and Alaska, and now Kentucky and South Texas.

You can explore more about this committee's filings at Legis1.com.

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