Why It Matters
The United Mine Workers of America faces a fundamental contradiction in federal coal policy: the Trump administration is aggressively expanding coal production while black lung disease reaches crisis levels among miners. Nearly 2,000 coal worker deaths from pneumoconiosis occurred between 2020 and 2023, with the disease now striking younger miners faster.
This health emergency collides with regulatory rollbacks and enforcement delays that strip away worker protections. The UMWA’s lobbying strategy reflects this tension—securing legislative wins on job-protecting measures like permitting reform while fighting erosion of miner safety standards through alternative legislation including the Robert C. Byrd Mine Safety Protection Act and the Black Lung Benefits Improvement Act.
By the Numbers
The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) spent $90,000 on in-house lobbying in the last quarter continuing federal advocacy spanning from 2003 to 2026. The union has filed 169 disclosures over this period, with in-house operations accounting for $12.8 million across 78 filings.
The union previously partnered with Atlas Advocacy ($1+ million, 2013-2025) and other firms, but currently manages advocacy through three in-house lobbyists: Adam D. Banig, a 17-year veteran with prior congressional experience; Philip David Smith, active since 2014; and Shanna Marie Peeks, who joined in October 2024 and focuses on trade issues including Chinese shipbuilding investigations.
The Agenda
The United Mine Workers of America lobbies on five key areas: energy and nuclear issues, labor and workplace matters, budget and appropriations, clean air and water quality, and trade.
Legislative priorities include the Robert C. Byrd Mine Safety Protection Act, which would strengthen Mine Safety and Health Administration enforcement and enhance whistleblower protections, plus Black Lung Benefits programs and coal-related energy transition initiatives.
The union’s advocacy aligns with active congressional debates. Congress held hearings on domestic mineral security, including a February 2025 House Natural Resources Committee hearing and a September 2025 legislative hearing reviewing permitting bills including the COAL Act. Bipartisan legislation like the Mining Schools Act and Critical Mineral Dominance Act promote domestic mining and research.
Broader Context
The Trump administration has opened 13.1 million acres of federal land for coal leasing and allocated $625 million to revitalize coal-fired power plants. Congress is advancing the Mining Schools Act and Critical Mineral Dominance Act to spur development and permitting reform.
However, black lung disease is surging among younger miners while the Trump administration has paused enforcement of silica dust exposure rules. Democrats introduced the Black Lung Benefits Improvement Act and reintroduced the Robert C. Byrd Mine Safety Protection Act.
The union faces structural challenges as coal’s long-term outlook remains difficult and new coal mining is exempt from excise taxes supporting the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund.
Between The Lines
Congress is reshaping mining policy in ways aligned with UMWA’s agenda, though tensions persist between production expansion and worker protections. Lawmakers advance permitting reform through hearings and bipartisan bills like the Mining Schools Act and COAL Act.
However, worker protection momentum is fragmented. While Democrats support the Robert C. Byrd Mine Safety Protection Act, Senators opposed the Department of Labor’s pause on silica dust rule enforcement. Environmental legislation like the End Polluter Welfare Act and ACHE Act moratorium on mountaintop removal poses additional challenges.
Competitive Landscape
The National Mining Association (NMA) shares common ground with UMWA on domestic mining promotion, supporting the COAL Act and Mining Schools Act, plus carbon capture technology and trade remedies on Chinese shipbuilding.
However, their interests diverge on worker protections. UMWA champions the Robert C. Byrd Mine Safety Protection Act for stricter enforcement, while NMA focuses on regulatory costs and implementation feasibility. On Black Lung Benefits, UMWA advocates for expanding the trust fund while NMA member companies, which fund the program through excise taxes, emphasize financial burdens.
The Bottom Line
The UMWA’s $90,000 final quarter lobbying reflects a union navigating contradictory pressures. The Trump administration’s coal production push creates opportunities for job-preservation through mining expansion legislation. However, this occurs alongside a black lung crisis with nearly 2,000 deaths from 2020-2023 and stalled enforcement of miner safety regulations. The union attempts to leverage favorable political winds for mining expansion while fighting administrative rollbacks through congressional legislation.
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